, Mirian Checa-Romero 2, Esther Rivas-Rivero 21 Department of Economics (Sociology), University of Alcalá (UAH), 28802 Alcalá de Henares, Madrid, Spain
2 Department of Educational Sciences, University of Alcalá (UAH), 28802 Alcalá de Henares, Madrid, Spain
Abstract
Gender-based violence remains one of the most persistent forms of inequality, grounded in deeply held beliefs. This study examined how individual, ideological, and sociocultural factors influence beliefs about gender-based violence among trainee teachers in Madrid and Castilla-La Mancha.
Using a quantitative, cross-sectional design, the Gender-Based Violence Stereotypical Beliefs Scale (GBVSBS) was applied to 404 trainee teachers (83.4% identified as women, 16.1% as men, and 0.5% as other genders) enrolled in education programs. A non-random purposive sampling was used.
Pearson’s correlations showed that acceptance of gender-based violence myths increased with religiosity, conservative ideology, and pornography consumption, and decreased with perceived social machismo, feminist identification, and age. Myths about male perpetrators increased with religiosity and decreased with perception of machismo, feminist identification, and age. Myths about gender-based violence and female victims increased with religiosity, conservative ideology, and pornography consumption, and decreased with feminist identification and perception of machismo. Multiple regression identified sex, religiosity, political ideology, perceived social machismo, and feminist positioning as key predictors of GBVSBS acceptance.
Results highlight the need for educational and social strategies to challenge these myths and combat gender-based violence.
Keywords
- gender-based violence
- violence against women
- myths about violence
- socialization
The United Nations (UN) (ONU, 1995) defines gender-based violence as “any act that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm to women”, including threats and deprivation of liberty. Globally, gender-based violence is a major social problem whose prevalence has prompted most countries to implement specific policies and actions to eradicate it, profoundly impacting both the European Union and the rest of the world (European Comission: European Commission: Eurostat, 2022; Eurostat Data Browser, 2024; European Commission, 2020; European Union Agency for Fundamental Right, 2015; European Union, 2024; WHO, 2019; WHO, 2021). The consequences of this phenomenon are multifaceted, affecting not only women but also society as a whole, with significant implications at both the individual and collective levels (Bacchus et al., 2018; Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2020; Giraldo, 2018; Oram et al., 2022; PAHO, 2022; Potter et al., 2021; Rivas-Rivero et al., 2023; Stubbs and Szoeke, 2021; Vyas et al., 2021)
Gender-based violence is one of the most serious manifestations of inequality, rooted in cultural beliefs and norms that perpetuate gender hierarchies (Cáceres et al., 2021; González Fernández-Conde et al., 2024). In Spain, prior to Organic Law 1/2004 (Ley Orgánica, 2004), violence in intimate partner relationships was treated as domestic violence, without recognition of its structural roots in male domination (Bustelo et al., 2007; Comas-d’Argemir, 2014). This law redefined gender-based violence, highlighting physical, psychological, as well as sexual aggression and coercion as manifestations of inequality (De Miguel, 2005; Ferrer and Bosch, 2006). Thus, Organic Law 1/2004 and the 2017 State Pact against Gender Violence marked significant milestones in the protection of women’s rights (García-Collantes and Garrido Antón, 2021).
Despite the progress in feminism in recent decades, the incidence of gender-based violence remains alarming (Chapa Romero et al., 2022; Eurostat Data Browser, 2024; European Union Agency for Fundamental Right, 2015), highlighting the need not only for preventive measures at multiple levels, but also for a profound reflection on the sociocultural values that perpetuate gender inequality and the various forms of violence against women. These values, supported by myths and stereotypical beliefs (Bosch-Fiol and Ferrer-Pérez, 2012), obscure the underlying causes of this phenomenon and contribute to its minimization and justification. These myths function as socially shared, false, or distorted narratives that serve to justify or downplay the seriousness of gender-based violence. They often shift responsibility from perpetrators to victims, reinforcing victim-blaming attitudes and obscuring the structural and cultural roots of the problem. By perpetuating misconceptions such as the inevitability of violence in intimate relationships or the idea that victims are somehow responsible for their abuse, these beliefs hinder both societal recognition of the issue and the implementation of effective preventive measures (Al-Ahmadi and Al-Naama, 2023; Bosch-Fiol and Ferrer-Pérez, 2012; Villagrán et al., 2023).
In this context, education emerges as a key sphere for challenging these entrenched stereotypes and promoting critical awareness. Recent research on higher education highlights the role of innovation, digitalization, and entrepreneurial approaches in fostering inclusive learning environments that can challenge persistent gender biases (Aparisi-Torrijo et al., 2024; Bota-Avram et al., 2025; García-Hurtado et al., 2024). Integrating these elements into teacher education may therefore contribute not only to fostering future educators but also to creating conditions that challenge the cultural acceptance of gender-based violence and promote gender equality.
Gender-based violence is a multidimensional phenomenon arising from a complex interaction of individual, relational, and sociocultural factors and is rooted in an unequal social structure (Heise, 1998). This inequality, perpetuated through misogynistic stereotypes, is reproduced in various contexts, including universities (González and Mora, 2014; Straus, 2004; Vázquez et al., 2010), where patriarchal values prevail and foster a climate of discrimination and violence towards women (Chapa Romero et al., 2022; Tavira and Hernández, 2015). Addressing the perpetuation of patriarchal values within higher education requires not only acknowledging the persistence of discrimination, but also integrating sustainable and equality-oriented pedagogical strategies. Such approaches have been shown to enhance students’ awareness of structural inequalities and to promote more equitable social practices (Diepolder et al., 2025; Silesky-Gonzalez et al., 2025).
These findings challenge the notion that a higher level of education alone acts as a protective factor against gender-based violence, demonstrating that education by itself does not prevent such violence (Díaz-Aguado, 2013). Its protective effect emerges only when combined with other factors, such as greater knowledge about gender constructs and equity (Díaz-Aguado, 2013; Ferrer and Bosch, 2000). This highlights the importance of complementing academic training with approaches that foster critical awareness and actively challenge stereotypes. In this context, promoting entrepreneurial competencies and innovative mindsets among students has been associated with increased critical thinking and problem-solving skills, which may contribute to questioning gender stereotypes (Mari et al., 2024; Nevi et al., 2025; Zhang et al., 2025).
While this research does not explicitly frame its findings within a gender-based violence framework, it underscores the widespread presence of intimate partner violence among university students. This context is particularly relevant to the present study, which adopts the UN’ (ONU, 1995) definition of gender-based violence as violence directed at women that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm. In this context, universities play a crucial role in addressing gender-based violence, as they are key institutions for making the problem visible and for correcting the omissions and silences that persist within academic environment (Díaz-Aguado, 2013; González and Mora, 2014; Luque Ribelles and Escalona, 2021). This phenomenon is particularly concerning among young people, where persistent myths about gender-based violence contribute to victim-blaming and the legitimization of aggressors (Bosch-Fiol and Ferrer-Pérez, 2012; Glick and Fiske, 1996; Garaigordobil and Aliri, 2013; Martín-Fernández et al., 2018). Among young population, limited recognition of gender-based violence perpetuates its normalization, making it difficult to report and to identify controlling behaviors in relationships as forms of violence (Navarro-Guzmán et al., 2016; Tapia, 2015). Furthermore, the internalization of the romantic love model reinforces the acceptance of these behaviors (Bosch-Fiol and Ferrer-Pérez, 2012; Bajo Pérez., 2020), hindering the effectiveness of prevention strategies and social, community, and individual responses to violence (Martín-Fernández et al., 2018; Flood and Pease, 2009; Tran et al., 2016). In addition to the educational level, other factors influence the perception of and response to gender-based violence, prompting analysis of individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables related to this phenomenon.
In this context, a set of individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables play a determining role in shaping attitudes towards gender-based violence and in influencing both individual and collective responses to this phenomenon (Rivas-Rivero et al., 2022). Among the most relevant variables identified in the scientific literature are religiosity, conservative political ideology, pornography consumption, feminist positioning, and the perception of social machismo (Armet, 2009; Azorín, 2017; Carrasco et al., 2021; Eagly and Karau, 2002; Fernández-Cornejo et al., 2015; Garaigordobil and Aliri, 2013; Glick et al., 2000; Glick and Fiske, 1996; González Fernández-Conde et al., 2024; Hannover et al., 2018; Lara-Garrido et al., 2022; León and Aizpurúa, 2021; Mitchell, 2019; Solbes-Canales et al., 2020).
Religious beliefs constitute a fundamental component in the individual development and the formation of their personal identity. These beliefs, shaped by sociocultural factors, influence the construction of gender and relationship roles (Armet, 2009; Eagly and Karau, 2002; Fernández-Cornejo et al., 2015; Glick et al., 2000; Vermeer, 2014). Social control theory (Hirschi, 1969) postulates that families that promote religious values foster greater attachment to social norms, which may reduce violent and socially unacceptable behaviors (Mitchell, 2019). Furthermore, it has been observed that higher levels of religiosity have been associated with greater acceptance of myths about gender-based violence, suggesting that religion, in interaction with other sociocultural factors, contributes to shaping beliefs about this phenomenon (Carrasco et al., 2021; González Fernández-Conde et al., 2024; León and Aizpurúa, 2021; Sola and Ayala, 2021). Additional research suggests that it is not affiliation with a monotheistic religion that predicts gender discrimination, but rather the degree of religiosity and the level of commitment to religious practice (Hannover et al., 2018).
Conservative political ideology has also been associated with sexist attitudes and reduced sensitivity to the structural inequalities affecting women, often resulting in the minimization of gender-based violence and the delegitimization of feminist initiatives (Azorín, 2017; Garaigordobil and Aliri, 2013). It is characterized by the defense of traditional values, including conventional gender roles, which assign women to a subordinate position and dependence on men (León and Aizpurúa, 2021). Political conservatism has been significantly correlated with hostile sexism (Carrasco et al., 2021; León and Aizpurúa, 2021; Mikołajczak and Pietrzak, 2014; Roets et al., 2012), a dimension of sexism that reinforces gender inequality through explicitly negative attitudes and behaviors towards women (Christopher and Mull, 2006). It has also been observed that people with a conservative political orientation are more likely to justify gender-based violence and endorse related myths (Glick and Fiske, 1996; León and Aizpurúa, 2021).
Pornography consumption has been identified as a crucial individual factor in the normalization of sexual objectification of women and the justification of gender-based violence. Exposure to content depicting power imbalances and violence reinforces misogynistic attitudes and desensitizes viewers to sexual violence. Pornography eroticizes violence, reinforces gender inequality, and increases tolerance for abusive behavior (De Miguel Álvarez, 2021). Longitudinal studies have reported that frequent pornography consumption is associated with downplaying the severity of sexual assault and rationalizing violence in intimate relationships (Furnham and Paltzer, 2010; Wright et al., 2015). In particular, exposure to violent pornography increases the acceptance of myths about gender-based violence and reduces the likelihood of intervening in abusive situations (Rodenhizer and Edwards, 2017). In the Spanish context, regular pornography consumption has been associated with an increase in sexual violence against women (Torrado Martín-Palomino et al., 2021) and with higher levels of sexism (Carrasco et al., 2021).
In contrast, feminist positioning functions as a protective factor against gender-based violence, as it is associated with the rejection of traditional gender roles and demonstrating greater sensitivity towards its different manifestations (Gunnarsson et al., 2018). Individuals with feminist orientations tend to support equality policies and show more awareness of the power dynamics that perpetuate this form of violence (Lara-Garrido et al., 2022). Megías et al. (2017) reported that individuals who endorse myths about gender-based violence tend to exhibit more sexist attitudes and are more likely to exonerate perpetrators. Furthermore, Pana et al. (2024) found that feminist values correlate negatively with sexism and justification of gender-based violence. Consequently, a feminist perspective fosters greater awareness of this issue and contributes to denormalizing violence.
Finally, the perception of social machismo plays a determining role in dismantling myths about gender-based violence, as individuals who recognize structural machismo are more likely to be critical of norms that justify abuse and gender inequalities. In this study, “social machismo” refers to the perceived presence of male-chauvinist attitudes and gender inequality in society. According to the Real Academia Española (2019), “machismo” is defined as “an attitude of arrogance of men towards women”. From this perspective, social machismo encompasses cultural norms and shared beliefs that sustain the perceived superiority of men and justify discrimination or violence against women at the societal level. This perception is shaped by education and the social environment, highlighting the importance of implementing transformative educational strategies (Colás-Bravo and Villaciervos-Moreno, 2007; Solbes-Canales et al., 2020). Carrasco et al. (2021) found that the perceived prevalence of machismo in Spanish society affects the acceptance of sexist attitudes, especially among young people.
Teachers play a crucial role in building educational environments that promote gender equality and prevent gender-based violence. Their beliefs and attitudes directly influence how these issues are addressed in the classroom and, therefore, shape the transmission of values of equality values to students (Coffey and Acker, 1991; Sánchez and Barea, 2019). Several studies have shown that teachers who hold sexist beliefs or normalize gender-based violence tend to reinforce traditional gender stereotypes (Carretero and Nolasco , 2019; Cordón et al., 2019). In this context, analyzing future teachers’ beliefs about gender-based violence is essential, as it allows for the identification of factors that both perpetuate these beliefs and contribute to their dismantling. This approach is essential for designing training interventions that transform attitudes and raise awareness among future professionals about the importance of promoting equality and preventing gender-based violence (Bonilla-Algovia and Carrasco Carpio, 2024; González-Pérez, 2018).
Within this framework, the present study aims to analyze how individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables influence beliefs about gender-based violence among trainee teachers in the Community of Madrid and Castilla-La Mancha. Using a quantitative approach and cross-sectional design, the study aims to identify not only the factors that perpetuate these beliefs, but also those that can contribute to their dismantling. While previous research has examined several individual or ideological predictors in isolation, few studies have integrated these factors within the specific context of trainee teachers in Spain. By addressing this gap, the present study contributes to understanding the complex interplay of religiosity, political ideology, feminist positioning, pornography consumption, and perceptions of social machismo in shaping beliefs about gender-based violence. This analysis is particularly relevant in the educational context, where future teachers can play a key role as agents of change in the promotion of gender equality and the eradication of gender-based violence. As such, embedding innovation, entrepreneurship, and critical digital literacy into teacher training can further enhance awareness of structural inequalities and foster proactive attitudes towards gender equality (Aparisi-Torrijo et al., 2024; Bota-Avram et al., 2025; García-Hurtado et al., 2024; Mari et al., 2024; Nevi et al., 2025; Zhang et al., 2025).
The sample consisted of 404 university students from the Community of Madrid and Castilla-La Mancha (Spain), of whom 83.4% identified as female, 16.1% identified as male, and 0.5% selected “other” to describe their gender. Data were collected using a purposive, non-probabilistic sampling method, targeting students enrolled in bachelor’s and master’s programs in education. Participants were selected according to predefined inclusion criteria: (1) being at least 18 years old; (2) being enrolled in a university program; and (3) pursuing a degree qualifying them to work at one of the compulsory education levels (early childhood, primary, or secondary education). The mean age of participants was 21.36 years (standard deviation [SD] = 4.37), with a range of 18 to 53 years. Regarding relationship status, 72.8% reported having had a previous partner, while 49.8% were currently in a relationship and 50.2% were not.
Based on the study objectives and previous literature on gender-based violence and teacher socialization, the following hypotheses were formulated prior to data collection:
H1. The sex of trainee teachers is associated with their beliefs about gender-based violence, with women hypothesized to show lower acceptance of myths about gender-based violence than men.
H2. Age is related to the acceptance of beliefs about gender-based violence, with older participants hypothesized to show lower acceptance of these myths.
H3. Religiosity, a conservative political ideology, and pornography consumption are hypothesised to be positively associated with the acceptance of beliefs that justify gender-based violence.
H4. Stronger identification with feminism and a higher perception of social machismo are hypothesised to be negatively associated with the acceptance of beliefs that justify gender-based violence.
This study was carried out using a structured questionnaire, designed by the research team according to the study objectives and sample inclusion criteria. The questionnaire consisted of two sections.
The first section collected individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables, including sex, age, level of religiosity, political ideology, feminist orientation, and perception of social machismo. The variables of religiosity, political ideology, feminist positioning, and perception of social machismo were assessed using ad hoc questions specifically created for this study. Each variable was measured through a Likert-type scale ranging from 0 to 5, where higher values indicated a greater degree of the respective trait. The questions were as follows: “From 0 to 5 (where 0 is not at all religious and 5 is very religious), how would you describe yourself in terms of religiosity?”; “From 0 to 5 (where 0 is very left-wing and 5 is very right-wing), how would you describe your political ideology?”; “From 0 to 5 (where 0 is not at all and 5 is very much), to what extent do you consider your society to be machista?”; and “From 0 to 5 (where 0 is not at all feminist and 5 is very feminist), how would you describe yourself?”
The second section utilized the Gender-Based Violence Stereotypical Beliefs Scale (GBVSBS; Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2024). This is a psychometrically validated instrument developed to analyze stereotypical myths or beliefs about gender-based violence, both within and outside the intimate partner contexts. It is composed of 26 items reflecting attitudes that exonerate male aggressors, blame female victims, and minimize intimate partner and sexual violence. The scale includes two empirically derived dimensions, identified through factor analysis using the robust unweighted least squares (ULS) method during our validation study (Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2024): (1) myths about male perpetrators (e.g., “Men commit gender-based violence because they have work-related concerns”) and (2) myths about gender-based violence and female victims (e.g., “Gender-based violence only occurs in countries with low levels of development” or “Women use the issue of gender-based violence for their own benefit”). The response format is Likert-type with 5 options: 1 = Strongly Disagree; 2 = Disagree; 3 = Neither Agree nor Disagree; 4 = Agree; 5 = Strongly Agree. The Cronbach’s alpha obtained in this research was 0.91. The subscales showed adequate reliability: 0.81 for myths about male perpetrators and 0.91 for myths about gender-based violence and female victims.
Participation was strictly voluntary, anonymous, and without financial compensation, with confidentiality of the data maintained at all times. Prior to data collection, participants received a participant information sheet (PIS) and informed consent (IC) form, ensuring that consent was given after they were fully informed about the study’s objectives, procedures, and specific details. Participants completed the questionnaire autonomously through an online survey, administered using the Microsoft Forms platform. This study was approved by the Animal Research and Experimentation Ethics Committee of the University of Alcalá (CEI Code: CEIP/2022/06/102 and CEID/2022/3/058), ensuring compliance with ethical research standards. Furthermore, the research is part of a project funded by the Regional Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports of Castilla-La Mancha, with co-financing from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), supporting the development of scientific research and technology transfer projects.
Data processing and analysis were carried out using SPSS statistical software (v.29; IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA). Descriptive statistics, including means, SDs, and minimum and maximum values, were calculated for continuous variables. Mean scores on the Gender-Based Violence Stereotypical Beliefs Scale (GBVSBS) were compared according to age, religiosity, political ideology, perception of social machismo, feminist positioning, and pornography consumption. The relationships between GBVSBS mean scores and the individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables were examined using Pearson and Spearman correlation analyses. Three multiple linear regression analyses were conducted using the stepwise method. The regression analyses considered the explained variance, analysis of variance (ANOVA) significance, unstandardised regression coefficients, standard error, Beta coefficient, Student’s t-test, Durbin-Watson values, and variance inflation factors.
The descriptive statistics presented in Table 1 indicate that the participants generally exhibited a low level of agreement with stereotypical beliefs about gender-based violence. Regarding ideological and sociocultural positioning, participants generally reported strong identification with feminist values and a heightened perception of the persistence of machismo in society. In contrast, the sample reported comparatively low levels of religiosity, conservative political ideology, and pornography consumption.
| Variable | M | SD | Min. | Max. |
| Gender-Based Violence Stereotypical Beliefs | 1.44 | 0.44 | 1.00 | 3.20 |
| Religiosity | 1.69 | 1.42 | 0.00 | 5.00 |
| Political ideology | 2.00 | 1.25 | 0.00 | 5.00 |
| Perception of social machismo | 3.07 | 1.24 | 0.00 | 5.00 |
| Feminist positioning | 3.61 | 1.29 | 0.00 | 5.00 |
| Pornography consumption | 0.96 | 1.25 | 0.00 | 5.00 |
Note: M, mean; SD, standard deviation; Min., minimum; Max., maximum.
Table 2 shows the Pearson correlations between acceptance of GBVSBS and potential explanatory variables. Acceptance increases with higher levels of religiosity, conservative political ideology, and pornography consumption, while it decreases with greater perceptions of social machismo and stronger feminist identification. Additionally, age shows an inverse association with acceptance, indicating that older participants tend to show lower endorsement of these beliefs.
| GBVSBS | MMyths about male perpetrators | Myths about gender-based violence and female victims | ||||
| r | p-value | r | p-value | r | p-value | |
| Age | –0.12 | 0.016 | –0.17 | –0.08 | 0.115 | |
| Religiosity | 0.22 | 0.11 | 0.022 | 0.23 | ||
| Political ideology | 0.27 | 0.09 | 0.070 | 0.30 | ||
| Perception of social machismo | –0.29 | –0.18 | –0.29 | |||
| Feminist positioning | –0.42 | –0.19 | –0.45 | |||
| Pornography consumption | 0.14 | 0.004 | 0.05 | 0.337 | 0.16 | |
Note: r, Pearson’s correlation; GBVSBS, Gender-Based Violence Stereotypical Beliefs Scale.
Endorsement of myths about male perpetrators is positively associated with higher religiosity and negatively associated with perception of social machismo and feminist identification, while age shows a significant inverse relationship.
For myths about gender-based violence and female victims, acceptance increases with higher levels of religiosity, conservative political ideology, and pornography consumption, while perceptions of social machismo and feminist identification are negatively associated. Age shows an inverse, although non-significant, relationship with acceptance of these myths.
To assess robustness, Spearman’s rank correlations were also calculated given the ordinal nature of the Likert-type predictors (Table 3). The results were highly consistent with those obtained using Pearson’s coefficients, showing the same direction of effects and largely overlapping significance patterns. Only minor differences in magnitude emerged (e.g., the association between age and myths about female victims reached significance with Spearman but not with Pearson), but these differences did not alter the substantive interpretation of the findings.
| GBVSBS | Myths about male perpetrators | Myths about gender-based violence and female victims | ||||
| p-value | p-value | p-value | ||||
| Age | –0.25 | –0.25 | –0.23 | |||
| Religiosity | 0.22 | 0.14 | 0.005 | 0.23 | ||
| Political ideology | 0.24 | 0.10 | 0.042 | 0.27 | ||
| Perception of social machismo | –0.32 | –0.20 | –0.32 | |||
| Feminist positioning | –0.38 | –0.22 | –0.41 | |||
| Pornography consumption | 0.09 | 0.082 | 0.04 | 0.450 | 0.10 | 0.039 |
Note:
Finally, to identify variables that predict the acceptance of stereotypical myths or beliefs about gender-based violence, three multiple linear regression analyses were performed (Table 3) using the stepwise method (Pardo and San Martín, 2010). The first analysis used the overall GBVSBS score as the dependent variable; the second used the subscale assessing myths about male perpetrators; and the third used the subscale assessing myths about gender-based violence and female victims. The independent variables were the same across all three analyses: sex (0 = female; 1 = male), age, religiosity (1 = not at all religious; 5 = very religious), political ideology (0 = very left-leaning; 5 = very right-leaning), perception of social machismo (0 = not at all machista; 5 = very machista), feminist positioning (0 = not at all feminist; 5 = very feminist), and pornography consumption (0 = little or none; 5 = a lot).
The values of the variance inflation factor (VIF) and Durbin-Watson
coefficients (DW1 = 1.94; DW2 = 1.85; and DW3 = 1.92) show that the resulting
models complied with the assumptions of non-multicollinearity and the of
independence of errors. The first model demonstrated that the variables that
significantly predicted acceptance of stereotypical myths or beliefs about
gender-based violence were sex (
| B | SE | B standardized | t | p-value | 95% CI | TOL | VIF | ||
| GBVSBS | |||||||||
| Constant | 1.75 | 0.09 | - | 18.91 | 1.57 to 1.93 | - | - | ||
| Sex | 0.13 | 0.06 | 0.11 | 2.25 | 0.025 | 0.02 to 0.24 | 0.89 | 1.12 | |
| Religiosity | 0.04 | 0.02 | 0.13 | 2.84 | 0.005 | 0.01 to 0.07 | 0.88 | 1.13 | |
| Political ideology | 0.04 | 0.02 | 0.11 | 2.32 | 0.021 | 0.01 to 0.07 | 0.86 | 1.17 | |
| Perception of social machismo | –0.05 | 0.02 | –0.14 | –2.86 | 0.004 | –0.08 to –0.02 | 0.81 | 1.24 | |
| Feminist positioning | –0.09 | 0.02 | –0.26 | –5.01 | –0.13 to –0.06 | 0.71 | 1.41 | ||
| Myths about male perpetrators | |||||||||
| Constant | 2.97 | 0.22 | - | 13.67 | 2.54 to 3.40 | - | - | ||
| Age | –0.03 | 0.01 | –0.16 | –3.23 | 0.001 | –0.05 to –0.01 | 0.99 | 1.10 | |
| Feminist positioning | –0.09 | 0.03 | –0.14 | –2.66 | 0.008 | –0.15 to 0.02 | 0.84 | 1.19 | |
| Perception of social machismo | –0.07 | 0.03 | –0.11 | –2.04 | 0.042 | –0.13 to –0.00 | 0.84 | 1.20 | |
| Myths about gender-based violence and female victims | |||||||||
| Constant | 1.64 | 0.09 | - | 18.40 | 1.47 to 1.82 | - | - | ||
| Sex | 0.13 | 0.05 | 0.11 | 2.43 | 0.015 | 0.03 to 0.24 | 0.90 | 1.12 | |
| Religiosity | 0.04 | 0.01 | 0.13 | 2.81 | 0.005 | 0.01 to 0.07 | 0.90 | 1.13 | |
| Political ideology | 0.05 | 0.02 | 0.14 | 2.91 | 0.004 | 0.02 to 0.08 | 0.86 | 1.17 | |
| Feminist positioning | –0.10 | 0.02 | –0.29 | –5.61 | –0.13 to –0.06 | 0.71 | 1.41 | ||
| Perception of social machismo | –0.04 | 0.02 | –0.12 | –2.60 | 0.011 | –0.08 to –0.01 | 0.81 | 1.24 | |
Note: B, unstandardized coefficient; SE, standard error; B standardized, standardized coefficient; t, Student’s t-test; p, significance; 95% CI, 95% confidence interval for B; TOL, tolerance; VIF, variance inflation factor.
Gender-based violence remains a critical challenge with deep social repercussions, especially for women, and poses a significant barrier to social progress (Cáceres et al., 2021; González Fernández-Conde et al., 2024; PAHO, 2022; Vyas et al., 2021). In this context, teachers play a pivotal role in both preventing and raising awareness about gender-based violence (Coffey and Acker, 1991; Sánchez and Barea, 2019). Teachers’ attitudes and training are key determinants in the transmission of values (Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2020; Carretero and Nolasco , 2019; Cordón et al., 2019) and shape the school environment, which can either reinforce gender stereotypes or actively foster gender equality (Díaz-Aguado, 2013; Ferrer and Bosch, 2000). Recognizing this, recent studies emphasize that integrating digitalization, innovative educational strategies, and entrepreneurial approaches into higher education can strengthen critical thinking, challenge entrenched biases, and better prepare future educators to promote equality (Aparisi-Torrijo et al., 2024; Diepolder et al., 2025). In parallel, incorporating social responsibility, gender awareness, and inclusive principles into curricula and pedagogical practices is essential for creating equitable and supportive learning environments (Bota-Avram et al., 2025; García-Hurtado et al., 2024).
Several studies reveal the persistence of myths about gender-based violence among young population (Luque Ribelles and Escalona, 2021), which hinders the recognition of violent behaviors and their rejection in the educational settings (Garaigordobil and Aliri, 2013; Glick and Fiske, 1996; González and Mora, 2014; Martín-Fernández et al., 2018; Navarro-Guzmán et al., 2016; Sola and Ayala, 2021; Tapia, 2015; Straus, 2004; Vázquez et al., 2010). Therefore, it is essential to study the beliefs about gender-based violence in future teachers, understanding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of these behaviors.
While sociocultural variables such as religiosity, political ideology, pornography consumption, feminist positioning, and perceptions of social machismo have been widely investigated (Armet, 2009; Azorín, 2017; Carrasco et al., 2021; Eagly and Karau, 2002; Fernández-Cornejo et al., 2015; Garaigordobil and Aliri, 2013; Glick and Fiske, 1996; Glick et al., 2000; González Fernández-Conde et al., 2024; Hannover et al., 2018; Lara-Garrido et al., 2022; León and Aizpurúa, 2021; Mitchell, 2019; Rivas-Rivero et al., 2022; Solbes-Canales et al., 2020), their relationship with the role of teachers as socializing agents remains insufficiently explored.
This paper analyzes the acceptance of stereotypical beliefs about gender-based violence among teachers in training in the Community of Madrid and Castilla-La Mancha, examining how individual, ideological, and sociocultural variables are associated with these beliefs. The findings reveal a generally low endorsement of such beliefs, accompanied by a strong feminist identification and a heightened perception of social machismo. Using a quantitative approach and cross-sectional design, this study examines differences in attitude according to variables such as sex, age, religiosity, political ideology, pornography consumption, feminist positioning, and perceptions of social machismo, aiming to identify their roles as either perpetuating factors of inequality or protective elements against gender-based violence. This study makes a significant contribution by using a recent scale of belief regarding gender-based violence (the GBVSBS; Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2024), enabling a more precise analysis of these beliefs in the current context. Our findings reveal a generally low endorsement of stereotypical beliefs that justify male violence against women, in contrast to earlier studies showing higher prevalence among young populations (Luque Ribelles and Escalona, 2021; Navarro-Guzmán et al., 2016). This shift may reflect both generational changes and the impact of educational and social campaigns.
The Pearson correlations indicated that acceptance of beliefs about gender-based violence (based on the GBVSBS) was positively associated with higher religiosity, stronger political ideology, and more frequent pornography consumption, and negatively associated with stronger feminist identification and greater perception of social machismo. Regression analyses confirmed that sex, religiosity, political ideology, feminist positioning, and perceived machismo were the most robust predictors of acceptance of gender-based violence myths.
Regarding myths about male perpetrators, endorsement was positively associated with religiosity and negatively associated with both perception of social machismo and feminist positioning. Age also showed a significant inverse relationship with these myths. For myths concerning gender-based violence and female victims, acceptance increased with higher levels of religiosity, political ideology, and greater pornography consumption, while it decreased with stronger perceptions of social machismo and feminist positioning. Age again showed an inverse, though non-significant, relationship with the acceptance of these myths.
The regression models indicated that the predictors of the acceptance of myths about gender-based violence are (a) sex, (b) a high level of religiosity, (c) a conservative political ideology, (d) low perception of social machismo, and (e) lack of identification with feminism. Regarding the dimensions of GBVSBS, the variables that significantly predict acceptance of myths about male aggressors are age, perception of social machismo, and feminist identification. For the dimension addressing myths about gender-based violence and female victims, the most influential variables were sex, religiosity, political ideology, feminist positioning and perception of social machismo.
The findings of this study are consistent with existing literature suggesting that higher religiosity is associated with acceptance of traditional gender roles and the legitimization of patriarchal structures that perpetuate gender-based violence (Eagly and Karau, 2002; Fernández-Cornejo et al., 2015; Glick et al., 2000). Although a strong religious orientation may promote respect for social norms, it may also be linked to the reinforcement of gender roles that facilitate gender-based violence (Mitchell, 2019). In this context, Hannover et al. (2018) highlights that it is not religious affiliation per se, but the degree of religiosity and active practice that predicts greater adherence to myths about gender-based violence, which is consistent with our results. As González Fernández-Conde et al. (2024) note, religiosity not only influences the internalization of these traditional roles but also the acceptance of myths about aggressors and victims, which explains why individuals with higher levels of religiosity are more likely to justify gender-based violence. Similarly, a recent study indicate that individuals with a conservative ideology are more likely to minimize gender-based violence and justify sexist attitudes (León and Aizpurúa, 2021), consistent with the results of this study.
Pornography consumption was not identified in this study as a factor associated with the normalization of gender-based violence. Although Pearson correlations results showed a statistically significant effect of pornography consumption on the GBVSBS and its subdimension related to myths about gender-based violence and female victims, this variable did not emerge as a significant predictor in the regression analyses. This suggests that the observed association may be explained by other variables, such as sex, religiosity, political ideology, feminist positioning, and perceived social machismo. Consequently, these results contrast with previous findings indicating that exposure to pornographic content, especially of a violent nature, desensitizes individuals to sexual violence and reinforces the objectification of women (De Miguel Álvarez, 2021; Wright et al., 2015). Likewise, research focusing on the Spanish context by Torrado Martín-Palomino et al. (2021) supports our findings, showing that habitual pornography consumption correlates with higher levels of sexism and sexual violence. In contrast, feminist positioning has been shown to be a protective factor against the acceptance of myths about gender-based violence. The results of this study align with previous research that has reported that individuals with a feminist orientation show lower tolerance toward gender-based violence and a greater commitment to equality (Lara-Garrido et al., 2022; Ibáñez Carrasco and Pana, 2022). Furthermore, they are consistent with the findings of Megías et al. (2017), who report that adherence to myths about gender-based violence is related to sexist attitudes and the exoneration of aggressors. Finally, individuals’ perception of social machismo has emerged as a key element in the deconstruction of stereotypes and myths about gender-based violence. Consistent with Carrasco et al. (2021), this study shows that those who recognize the existence of structural inequalities are more likely to reject sexist attitudes and adopt a critical stance toward gender-based violence. This finding is also consistent with Solbes-Canales et al. (2020), who emphasize the importance of educational strategies that foster critical awareness of machismo and its implications in the normalization of violence.
Furthermore, it is important to highlight the valuable contribution of Bonilla-Algovia et al. (2024), who not only validated the GBVSBS but also conducted an in-depth analysis of sex differences in the acceptance of gender-based violence myths using t-tests, based on the same sample as in the present study. Their findings revealed that men showed significantly higher acceptance of these myths compared to women, adding important nuance to the understanding of these attitudes. The same pattern is observed in the present multivariate regression models, where sex remained statistically significant predictor across all three analyses of acceptance of myths or stereotypical beliefs about gender-based violence.
In line with the Sustainable Development Goals (particularly SDG 5), integrating these dimensions into teacher training is crucial for preventing gender-based violence and promoting relationships based on equality (Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2020; Ferrer et al., 2008; Ubillos-Landa et al., 2017). This approach aligns with Heise’s (1998) ecological framework, which highlights the interplay of individual, relational, and sociocultural factors in sustaining violence. Moreover, advancing women’s empowerment and entrepreneurship is closely linked to promoting gender equality (Mari et al., 2024; Nevi et al., 2025), while fostering innovation, knowledge, and social resources is fundamental for inclusive development and social progress (Zhang et al., 2025). The central contribution of this study, therefore, lies in showing that both recognition of social machismo and adoption of a feminist stance serve as key protective mechanisms against the perpetuation of gender-based violence myths, offering a pathway for more effective educational and policy interventions.
Finally, although this study provides relevant information on stereotypical
beliefs about gender-based violence amongst future teachers, it has certain
limitations. First, the potential influence of social desirability may have
affected the responses of the participants, introducing bias in the expression of
their actual beliefs. Second, the sample was based on purposive sampling, which
may limit the generalizability of the results to other contexts of teacher
training context. Future research could expand the sample and compare the results
across different educational contexts to examine differences between Spain and
other cultural environments. Third, the cross-sectional design and the
intentional, non-random sampling strategy are suitable for exploring associations
but do not allow causal inferences to be established. Fourth, while the
regression models aligned with the observed results, they should be interpreted
as exploratory. These analyses provide preliminary evidence rather than
definitive conclusions, underscoring the need for more rigorous, theory-driven
research using longitudinal or experimental designs to further validate and
expand these findings. Moreover, although the regression models produced
statistically significant
This study highlights the crucial role of educational programs in raising awareness about gender-based violence and promoting equality, demonstrating that teachers are central agents in shaping future generations. Implementing such programs in school settings is essential to address the causes and consequences of violence (Segundo and Codina-Canet, 2019) and to integrate a gendered perspective and commitment to equality as foundational principles in the educational system (Torres, 2010). Providing teachers with resources and specialized training allows them to critically reflect on their own beliefs and pedagogical practices, empowering them to become agents of change in favor of gender equality (Coffey and Acker, 1991; Sánchez and Barea, 2019).
Building on this, recent evidence indicates that gender inequalities in professional and educational settings have broader consequences for well-being and organizational effectiveness (López-Cabarcos et al., 2025), and that integrating information, communication technologies, as well as innovative educational practices can either perpetuate or reduce gender gaps, depending on how equity and inclusivity are embedded in these processes (Bota-Avram et al., 2025; García-Hurtado et al., 2024).
This study provides valuable insights and allows for a deeper examination of the cognitive biases that legitimize violence in the young population, particularly amongst future teachers. Analyzing these stereotypical beliefs is fundamental both to detect the acceptance of violence and to design effective educational interventions (Echeburúa et al., 2016). The obtained results highlight the importance of promoting coeducation and integrating a gender perspective in teacher training as key strategies to prevent and eradicate unequal attitudes (Pana et al., 2024). This approach is consistent with recent calls to integrate equality, innovation, and inclusive practices as cross-cutting elements in higher education policy and practice (Aparisi-Torrijo et al., 2024; García-Hurtado et al., 2024). Such initiatives contribute directly to advancing gender equality, aligning with the Sustainable Development Goals and the eradication of violence and discrimination against women. Considering that gender-based violence constitutes a serious public health problem (McCarthy et al., 2018), it is imperative to continue implementing equality-based intervention programs that aim to deconstruct gender stereotypes, identify risk factors, and eliminate distorted beliefs that hinder social progress (Luque Ribelles and Escalona, 2021).
In conclusion, this study provides a fundamental analysis of the sociocultural beliefs that perpetuate gender-based violence, highlighting the transformative role of education in modifying these beliefs (Bonilla-Algovia and Carrasco Carpio, 2024). The findings underscore that recognizing structural machismo and fostering feminist perspectives act as protective mechanisms against the acceptance of myths about gender-based violence, positioning teacher training as a key arena for promoting equality-oriented pedagogical practices. Future research should expand on these results through longitudinal and experimental designs, greater gender balance, and the inclusion of diverse cultural contexts. Longitudinal follow-ups of professional trajectories would further clarify how educational interventions translate into real-world teaching practices, reinforcing the role of education as a cornerstone in the eradication of gender-based violence.
The data supporting the findings of this study are held by the principal investigators of the project. Access to the data can be granted upon reasonable request and subject to the approval of the research team.
AGP, MCR, and ERR conceptualized the study and designed the research. AGP conducted the validation and data curation. AGP and ERR performed the formal analysis. AGP, MCR, and ERR carried out the investigation. AGP and MCR provided resources and supervised the project. All authors contributed to editorial changes in the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. All authors have participated sufficiently in the work and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work.
This study was approved by the Research Ethics and Animal Experimentation Committee of the University of Alcalá (ethics code: CEI: CEIP/2022/06/102 and CEI: CEID/2022/3/058), approved on 8 May 2022 and 22 July 2022. The Ethics Review Committee serves as the overarching ethics committee for the university and holds the authority to review and approve studies involving human participants. The study was carried out in accordance with the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki. Written informed consent was obtained from all participants.
We thank all participants for their valuable contribution to this study.
This study was funded by: (1) Institute for Women of Castilla-La Mancha and the University of Alcala, for the creation of the research chair ‘Isabel Muñoz Caravaca’ (Number: CATEDRA2019-002), (2) Project “Encrucijadas socioculturales y educativas del sexismo en docentes en formación”, funded by Consejería de Educación, Cultura y Deportes and Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) (number: SBPLY/21/180501/000065), (3) FPU Contract of the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (FPU22/00609).
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
References
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